HACKTIVISM | |ECONOMIA|POLITICA|ETICA E DIRITTI| |
Dopo Genova l'Italia ancora in fermento | |
Dopo Genova l'Italia ancora in fermento
Berlusconi is trying to close the cities to protest, real
or imagined.
Part of the tourist ritual of traipsing through Italy in August is marvelling
at how the locals have mastered the art of living - and then complaining bitterly
about how everything is closed. "So civilised," you can hear North
Americans remarking over four-course lunches. "Now somebody open up that
store and sell me some Pradas now !" This year, August in Italy was a little
different. Many of the southern beach towns where Italians hide from tourists
were half-empty, and the cities never paused. When I arrived two weeks ago,
journalists, politicians and activists all reported that it was the first summer
of their lives when they didn't take a single day off.
How could they? First there was Genoa, then: after Genoa.
The fall-out from protests against the G8 in July is redrawing the country's
political landscape - and everybody wants a chance to shape the results. Newspapers
are breaking circulation records. Meetings - anything having to do with politics
- are bursting at the seams. In Naples I went to an activist planning session
about an upcoming Nato summit; more than 700 people crammed into a sweltering
classroom to argue about "the movement's strategy after Genoa". Two
days later, near Bologna, a conference about politics "after Genoa"
drew 2,000; they stayed until 11pm.
The stakes in this period are high. Were the 200,000 (some say 300,000) people
on the streets in July an unstoppable force that will eventually unseat Prime
Minister Silvio Berlusconi? Or will Genoa be the beginning of a long silence,
a time when citizens equate mass gatherings with terrifying violence?
For the first weeks after the summit, attention was focused squarely on the
brutality of the Italian police: the killing of 23-year-old Carlo Giuliani,
reports of torture in the prisons, the bloody midnight raid on a school where
activists slept.
But Berlusconi, whose training is in advertising, is not about to relinquish
the meaning of Genoa that easily. In recent weeks, Berlusconi has been furiously
recasting himself as "a good father", determined to save his family
from imminent danger. Lacking a real threat, he has manufactured one: an obscure
United Nations conference on hunger, scheduled for Rome, on November 5-9.
To much media fanfare, Berlusconi has announced that the Food and Agriculture
Organisation meeting will not be held in "sacred Rome", because "I
don't want to see our cities smashed and burnt". Instead, it will be held
somewhere remote (much like Canada's plans to hold the next G8 in secluded Kananaskis).
This is shadow boxing at its best. No one planned to disrupt the meeting. The
event would have attracted some minor protest, mostly from critics of genetically
modified crops. Some hoped the meeting would be an opportunity to debate the
root causes of hunger - much as those pushing for slavery reparations are doing
in Durban.
Jacques Diouf, director of the FAO, seems to be relishing the unexpected attention.
After all, despite being saddled with the crushing mandate of cutting world
hunger in half, the FAO attracts almost no outside interest - from politicians
or protesters. The organisation's biggest problem is that it is so uncontroversial,
it's practically invisible. "For all these arguments about this change
of venue, I would like to say I am very grateful," Diouf told reporters
last week. "Now people in every country know that there will be a summit
to talk about the problems of hunger."
But even though the threat of anti-FAO violence was dreamed up by Berlusconi,
his actions are part of a serious assault on civil liberties in post-Genoa Italy.
On Sunday, Italy's parliamentary relations minister, Carlo Giovanardi, said
that during November's FAO meeting, "demonstrations in the capital will
be prohibited. It is a duty," he said, "to ban demonstrations in certain
places and at certain times." There may be a similar ban on public assembly
in Naples during the Nato meeting, which has also been moved out of the city.
There was even talk of cancelling a concert by Manu Chao in Naples last Friday.
The musician supports the Zapatistas, sings about "clandestinos" and
played to the crowds in Genoa - and that, apparently, was enough for the police
to smell a riot in the making. In a country that remembers the logic of authoritarianism,
this is all chillingly familiar: first create a climate of fear and tension,
then suspend constitutional rights in the interest of protecting "public
order".
So far, Italians seem unwilling to play into Berlusconi's hands. The Manu Chao
concert took place as planned. There was, of course, no violence. But 70,000
people danced in the pouring rain. The crowds of police surrounding the concert
looked on. They seemed tired, as though they could have done with a day off.